The Islamic and non-Islamic worlds now seem locked in a vicious circle of hatred, one that is convincing many moderates on both sides that the cultural and political divide is too large to bridge. This fatalistic vision is tragic and could become a self-fulfilling nightmare. In this context, Europe's dickering over Turkey's possible membership in the European Union takes on a special significance for the world.
Turkey's membership will likely be discussed at December's Copenhagen summit of EU leaders. Since the 1960s, there has been loose talk in Western Europe that Turkey might one day become a member of the European Community, now the EU. But no practical steps towards membership took place as Europe regularly - and rightly - pointed out that Turkey had failed to fulfill many conditions for membership, especially in regard to respect for human rights and the rule of law.
Yet lurking beneath those specific issues is a more general worry: whether Europe would accept Turkey, an Islamic society, into the European fold under any conditions. Anti-Islamic feelings run deep across Europe, reflecting 1,000 years of rivalry, war, and cultural clashes. Many Turks fear that their country's exclusion from the EU has nothing to do with specific policies or institutions, but rather with Europe's permanent hostility to Islamic societies.
With eastward enlargement of the EU now poised to happen, it is no surprise that deeply felt and dangerous notions are rising to the surface. Former French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing, currently the President of the Convention on the Future of Europe, recently declared that "Turkey is not a European country," and that Turkey's admission to the EU would be "the end of Europe." Advocates of Turkey's admission, he continued, are "the adversaries of the European Union."
As both an admirer of the EU and a supporter of Turkey's accession to the EU, I believe Giscard wrong in his crude characterization. Yet I know that he reflects a deep-seated viewpoint, though one far from claiming a majority in Europe. Several years ago, I heard another leading public figure in Europe explain in a public lecture that Europe is a Christian society and therefore can never admit an Islamic member.
Giscard's outburst was provocative for another reason. Turkey has just demonstrated the vibrancy of its democratic credentials by holding national elections despite a deep economic crisis. The winner was the Justice and Development Party. The new Prime Minister, Abdullah Gul, immediately declared gaining accession to Europe a priority. "Our aim is to show the world that a country which has a Muslim population can also be democratic, transparent, modern, and cooperative with the world."
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To now rule out Turkish membership in the EU would be needlessly provocative. The founder of the modern Turkish state, "taturk", accomplished an enormous amount three-quarters of a century ago to bring Turkish political, cultural, and economic institutions into line with those of Europe. After World War II, Turkey was a recipient of Marshall Plan aid, joined the Council of Europe in 1949, joined NATO in 1952, became an associate member of the European Union in 1964, applied for membership in the European Community in 1987, and completed a customs union with Europe in 1995. So its quest for EU membership has deep roots.
If Europe conducts serious negotiations with Turkey over eventual accession, the results will benefit both parties and also the wider world. On the economic front, the move towards membership would force Turkey to continue to upgrade its institutions and to enhance the rule of law, thus adding long-term institutional stability to Turkey's political institutions, which will in turn help stabilize North Africa and the Middle East.
Each accession to the EU over the past quarter century, such as Spain and Portugal's drive before 1986, and more recently the efforts of the Central European postcommunist candidates, has spurred institutional modernization and contributed to stability and moderation in domestic politics. The "prize" of European membership has helped to forge political consensus within candidate countries, and the same would happen with Turkey. By spurring this institutional reform, moreover, economic prospects also brighten, not least by Turkey's ability to attract larger flows of foreign direct investment.
On the political front, the worldwide demonstration effect of Turkey's membership in the EU would have huge consequences. The claims of the Islamic fundamentalists - that the West is anti-Islamic - would be proven wrong. Turkey itself could serve as a stronger bridge to the unstable Turkic societies of Central Asia, from Azerbaijan to Kyrgyzstan, countries now at risk of destabilization from the war on terrorism and struggles over oil and other natural resources.
Fortunately, when Giscard voiced his dangerous sentiments, many in the European Commission and throughout Europe declared that the former French President spoke only for himself. Now the European Union must make that point more forcefully by demonstrating its good faith in rising to the historic challenge of negotiating Turkey's membership in the EU.
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The Islamic and non-Islamic worlds now seem locked in a vicious circle of hatred, one that is convincing many moderates on both sides that the cultural and political divide is too large to bridge. This fatalistic vision is tragic and could become a self-fulfilling nightmare. In this context, Europe's dickering over Turkey's possible membership in the European Union takes on a special significance for the world.
Turkey's membership will likely be discussed at December's Copenhagen summit of EU leaders. Since the 1960s, there has been loose talk in Western Europe that Turkey might one day become a member of the European Community, now the EU. But no practical steps towards membership took place as Europe regularly - and rightly - pointed out that Turkey had failed to fulfill many conditions for membership, especially in regard to respect for human rights and the rule of law.
Yet lurking beneath those specific issues is a more general worry: whether Europe would accept Turkey, an Islamic society, into the European fold under any conditions. Anti-Islamic feelings run deep across Europe, reflecting 1,000 years of rivalry, war, and cultural clashes. Many Turks fear that their country's exclusion from the EU has nothing to do with specific policies or institutions, but rather with Europe's permanent hostility to Islamic societies.
With eastward enlargement of the EU now poised to happen, it is no surprise that deeply felt and dangerous notions are rising to the surface. Former French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing, currently the President of the Convention on the Future of Europe, recently declared that "Turkey is not a European country," and that Turkey's admission to the EU would be "the end of Europe." Advocates of Turkey's admission, he continued, are "the adversaries of the European Union."
As both an admirer of the EU and a supporter of Turkey's accession to the EU, I believe Giscard wrong in his crude characterization. Yet I know that he reflects a deep-seated viewpoint, though one far from claiming a majority in Europe. Several years ago, I heard another leading public figure in Europe explain in a public lecture that Europe is a Christian society and therefore can never admit an Islamic member.
Giscard's outburst was provocative for another reason. Turkey has just demonstrated the vibrancy of its democratic credentials by holding national elections despite a deep economic crisis. The winner was the Justice and Development Party. The new Prime Minister, Abdullah Gul, immediately declared gaining accession to Europe a priority. "Our aim is to show the world that a country which has a Muslim population can also be democratic, transparent, modern, and cooperative with the world."
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At a time of escalating global turmoil, there is an urgent need for incisive, informed analysis of the issues and questions driving the news – just what PS has always provided.
Subscribe to Digital or Digital Plus now to secure your discount.
Subscribe Now
To now rule out Turkish membership in the EU would be needlessly provocative. The founder of the modern Turkish state, "taturk", accomplished an enormous amount three-quarters of a century ago to bring Turkish political, cultural, and economic institutions into line with those of Europe. After World War II, Turkey was a recipient of Marshall Plan aid, joined the Council of Europe in 1949, joined NATO in 1952, became an associate member of the European Union in 1964, applied for membership in the European Community in 1987, and completed a customs union with Europe in 1995. So its quest for EU membership has deep roots.
If Europe conducts serious negotiations with Turkey over eventual accession, the results will benefit both parties and also the wider world. On the economic front, the move towards membership would force Turkey to continue to upgrade its institutions and to enhance the rule of law, thus adding long-term institutional stability to Turkey's political institutions, which will in turn help stabilize North Africa and the Middle East.
Each accession to the EU over the past quarter century, such as Spain and Portugal's drive before 1986, and more recently the efforts of the Central European postcommunist candidates, has spurred institutional modernization and contributed to stability and moderation in domestic politics. The "prize" of European membership has helped to forge political consensus within candidate countries, and the same would happen with Turkey. By spurring this institutional reform, moreover, economic prospects also brighten, not least by Turkey's ability to attract larger flows of foreign direct investment.
On the political front, the worldwide demonstration effect of Turkey's membership in the EU would have huge consequences. The claims of the Islamic fundamentalists - that the West is anti-Islamic - would be proven wrong. Turkey itself could serve as a stronger bridge to the unstable Turkic societies of Central Asia, from Azerbaijan to Kyrgyzstan, countries now at risk of destabilization from the war on terrorism and struggles over oil and other natural resources.
Fortunately, when Giscard voiced his dangerous sentiments, many in the European Commission and throughout Europe declared that the former French President spoke only for himself. Now the European Union must make that point more forcefully by demonstrating its good faith in rising to the historic challenge of negotiating Turkey's membership in the EU.